Do Huy THINH, Vietnamese TESOL Association


The history of Vietnam, as Branigin (1994) puts it, is “a saga of recurrent strife, turmoil, invasion, occupation and hardship” (p. A22). For a long time, Vietnam did not have its own language. Foreign interventions and the subsequent use of foreign languages as the national or official language overwhelmed most of the nation’s 4000-year history. The Vietnamese not only longed and fought to find a language for themselves, but also knew how to adorn and use those foreign languages for national development. Particularly in the twentieth century, the nearly simultaneous, direct involvements in Vietnam of such powers as China, France, Japan, the Soviet Union and the United States exerted various profound influences on language attitudes, language change, and language choice and use. These influences indeed helped shape Vietnam’s foreign language education policy.

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During the years of the Vietnam war (1954-1975), Vietnam was divided into two parts–the communist North and the capitalist South. Foreign language education policy, thus, followed different patterns. The North promoted Russian and Chinese and the South emphasized English and French as the main foreign languages to be taught as required subjects in secondary and post-secondary education. National reunification and the subsequent change in the political and economic system in 1975 marked the dominance of Russian as the main foreign language, and the decline of English as well as other languages in the educational system. Such a foreign language policy no doubt reflected a desire to expand relations among the countries of the communist bloc. Such a policy, however, limited communication and cooperation with the rest of the world, first of all with those developing nations in Southeast Asia such as Singapore, Thailand, and Malaysia, which had a pace and type of development similar to that of then South Vietnam. Together with other factors, this situation resulted in economic degradation for more than a decade, which naturally coincided with the downplaying of English at school and in the society at large.

Vietnam’s open-door policy, doi moi, came into existence in 1986 as a departure from obsolete dogmatism. For the first time, mismanagement in government policies and implementation was cited as a most crucial reason for economic failure, poverty and backwardness. The country witnessed a new change at the top of central power and an attempt to abolish bureaucratic centralization (Vietnamese Communist Party, 1991; World Press Review, 1988). In diplomatic relations, the call for cooperation between Vietnam with every nation regardless of political differences became a necessity. In addition, a free, market-oriented economy was adopted. All this helped attract a considerable number of English-speaking visitors to Vietnam as tourists and business people. This situation was in contrast to the past when the majority of foreigners were from the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe (Denham, 1992). Social demands have forged the reemergence of English as the language for broader communication and cooperation. English has thus regained its role as the main foreign language taught and used in Vietnam (Alter, & Moreau, 1995; Mydans, 1995; Shapiro, 1995; Wilson, 1993a,b). This reemergence, as a result, has driven thousands of Vietnamese Russian-language teachers to change jobs. This coincides with  a  greater  number of the population expressing the desire to promote  the teaching    and learning of English. English proficiency is now seen as a vital requirement for employment. Furthermore, English has facilitated economic cooperation and development with an ever greater influx of foreign investment, mostly from capitalist countries which require English ability. As Branigin (1994) puts it, the current situation of Vietnam in some way has been “a jumble of competing influences…economic dynamism alongside the country’s residual poverty, legacies of various stages of foreign involvement and a still evolving marriage of capitalist economics and communist political control” (p. A22). In addition, English has helped enhance exchange and growth, especially in higher education. Thousands of university faculty and students have traveled overseas to study in capitalist nations, where English is required. Moreover, in the last few years, English has undergone explosive growth; hundreds of language centers have been established all over the country, with an overwhelming majority of learners studying English (Ministry of Education and Training, 1993c; Nguyen Ngoc Quang, 1993).

Foreign language education policy and accompanying student attitudes and motivation have become crucial issues in the national development of Vietnam and in the personal advancement of individual Vietnamese over the last twenty years. Social changes have resulted in foreign language changes, and thus, attitude and job changes. In recent years, the impact of foreign languages, especially the reemergence of English, has contributed to the development in many aspects of Vietnamese society. This choice of English, in particular, has greatly influenced education, especially higher education, and has continued to leave its impact on the society.

A Brief History from the Past

In order to understand foreign language policy in contemporary Vietnam, it is quite helpful to look further back to see the various influences on language policy and use from foreign interventions. History in Vietnam also illustrates a reality in those countries which have undergone foreign domination: The fate of a national language is closely intertwined with that of that nation. In other words, as Denham (1992) puts it, “Vietnam’s linguistic history reflects its political history” (p. 61). Without national independence, it is almost impossible for the national language to emerge and develop.

Under centuries-long Chinese domination, Chinese with its Han script was used as the  official
language (Pham Minh Hac, 1991, 1994). The early writing system of Vietnam, known as Chu Nom (a native adaptation of the Chinese characters), understood as a symbol of national identity and unintelligible to the Chinese, came into use late in the 13th century. Chu Nom was generally supplanted in the 17 th century by Quoc Ngu (Lo Bianco, 1993; Nguyen Khac Vien, 1993; Pham Minh Hac), a system of writing using Roman characters, invented and used first by European missionaries, particularly Alexandre de Rhodes. Through codifications and elaborations, Quoc Ngu has been developed into the current Vietnamese language. During French colonialism, French was made the official language. Nonetheless, this period, as Pham Minh Hac (1991) notes, was characterized by “a mixed education system with French schools, Franco-Vietnamese schools and Confucianist feudalist schools and classes existing side by side” (p. 6). Later, private schools promoting the teaching of Vietnamese were founded by patriotic teachers. As such, besides French, Vietnamese and Chinese were also used in education, particularly at primary level. Chinese ceased to be used in schooling after 1919 when there were no more Confucianist feudalist schools (Nguyen Khac Vien, 1993; Pham Minh Hac, 1991, 1994), though around 80% of Vietnam’s population was able to read the Chinese ideographs used for representing written Vietnamese (Denham, 1992; Karnow, 1983). The official examinations at all levels of education were, however, administered in French by French authorities. Although there were strong movements against the use and spread of the French language and its domination (French was considered the language of the devil at that time), to pass these exams and then gain access to social mobility, French was strictly required. Vietnamese was recognized as the national and official language only when Vietnam won independence in 1945. It took a long time for this recognition to become a reality.

The 1945-1954 period was characterized by the return of the French and the Vietnamese resistance struggle. While in French-controlled urban areas, French was again used officially in education, Vietnamese was promoted in Vietnam-led regions, mostly in remote rural areas. The struggle with France ended in 1954, thus bringing the status of French as the official language to an end. According to the 1954 Geneva Accord, Vietnam was divided into two regions which followed opposite political orientations. Whereas the French war was unquestionably the resistance struggle of the whole nation, the subsequent Vietnam war (1954-1975) had a different name. Whatever the name it was called by those involved, the North and the South adopted different policies. In regard to the role and status of foreign languages, as Gayle (1994) puts it, the general tendency is “to conform to Vietnamese attitudes toward nations associated with those languages” (p. 1).

In the North, the Vietnamese language became the exclusive medium of instruction in all educational levels (Gayle 1989, 1994; Pham Minh Hac, 1991). This was not only a symbol of national independence but also an attempt to further the language use in science and technology for national development. Nguy Nhu Kon Tum (1968), the long-time, French-educated, Rector of University of Hanoi, said, “In the linguistic area I think we have furnished humanity with an experiment that deserves to be studied with a view to rapidly adapting a language to the new and swiftly developing needs of science” (p. 97). Being far more than an experiment in language adaptation, i.e., the promotion of the Vietnamese language in higher education, this policy was aimed at the ultimate goal: national reunification. It is quite true that, as DeFrancis (1977) notices, “Language policy, civil war, and foreign intervention were viewed as elements in a single struggle” (p. 259). This strong determination was even emphasized, as Nguyen Van Huyen, then North Vietnam’s Minister of Education, predicted in 1968 that, “In the not too distant future our Vietnamese language, so rich and so beautiful, will not fail to become the official language of all the schools of South Viet Nam” (pp. 58-59). Seven years later, within “the not too distant future,” the prediction came true: Vietnamese was finally the only means of instruction throughout the country.

Foreign language education, on the other hand, was not seen as an element of foreign intervention. Language use and spread, however, varied among foreign languages. At Hanoi University of Teachers of Foreign Languages, one of the two leading foreign language training institutions in the North, the departments of Chinese, Russian, English and French were established in 1956 (Wilson, 1993). As might be expected, Chinese and particularly Russian were most promoted (DeFrancis, 1977; Lo Bianco, 1993; Nguyen Nhat Quang, 1993; Wilson, 1993). The strong alliances with China, the former Soviet Union and the Eastern European bloc helped push their languages to the unique status as the main foreign languages taught in education. Thousands of people trained in these countries have been holding key positions in Vietnam. French and English enrolled a far smaller number for very limited purposes. Particularly, “in the last two or three decades, English was not the main foreign language in secondary high schools, and it was only taught in some classes of the schools in towns or in large urban areas” (Nguyen Nhat Quang, 1993, p. 1) as an experiment subject since the 1970s (MOET, 1994c).

In sharp contrast with the language situation of the North was that of the South. While the national language policy was strictly imposed in the North, that of the South was rather slowly formulated. In regard to the role and status of Vietnamese, Gayle (1989; 1994) notes, “In the early 1950’s, there was in South Vietnam a hotly debated move to elevate Vietnamese to the official position of the single national language” (p. 1; p. 2). This debate was not settled for more than a decade until 1968, when the Saigon government established Vietnamese as the language of instruction at all levels; English and French were retained only in the sciences (DeFrancis, 1977). As a matter of fact, however, Vietnamese was used as early as the late 1950s as the only medium of instruction in public education, except in foreign-run schools as well as in some subjects at universities. As a capitalist state, South Vietnam enhanced foreign languages in relation to political and economic cooperation with other capitalist societies. Most notable of the enhanced foreign languages were French and particularly English. The long-established French language remained powerful in South Vietnam for a number of reasons. First, the French political and economic cooperation and aid to the South continued. Second, French-educated people held strategic posts in the government. As late as the early 1970s, in education, the heads of key universities and departments in South Vietnam were French-trained graduates (Tran Kim No1, personal communication, June 21, 1995; Tran Van Tan2, personal communication, September 29, 1995). At the University of Saigon, the   leading university, most members of its University Council held their degrees from France (Tran Kim No). French was developed with the enhancement of the Alliance Francaise. In addition, a French school system had been strongly developed. Exactly as that in France, this French system offered a French curriculum and granted baccalaureates to its graduates. However, only the educated elite and the urban rich could afford to send their children to these schools. Thus, unlike Chinese, the use of which has totally disappeared among the vast majority of the Vietnamese, and English, the use of which is very popular almost everywhere, the French language as a means of communication has remained for quite long a time a unique mark of the urban elite.

English gained the second status, after Vietnamese, as a byproduct of the American involvement in South Vietnam. In language training, this involvement began as early as 1957. A report by the Department of Education, USAID Saigon, on 30 June 1967, wrote:

\”Since 1957, continuous assistance has been supplied to Vietnam through USAID direct hire of specialists supplemented by the following kinds of personnel: one contract team of linguistic resource workers, 1958-1963; fifty or more Americans qualified as professional educators and residing temporarily in Vietnam; more than one hundred American university graduates contracted under the International Voluntary Services; and hundreds of American civilian and military officers volunteering to teach in communities throughout Vietnam (p. 29).\”

In addition, hundreds of English classes were held in many facilities of the Vietnamese-American Association, United States Information Service, and by American missionaries. Particularly after 1970, English learning exploded with English language schools mushrooming almost everywhere, and attracting hundreds of thousands of learners. English became the main foreign language taught in secondary and higher education. The availability and free supply of English textbooks and teaching equipment facilitated admission and learning. This situation was strengthened by the presence of foreigners, either soldiers, business people or missionaries, especially those from English-speaking countries such as Australia and New Zealand. Not only in classes, but outside, was the language widely used. Foreign companies and factories offered high salaries and recruited personnel with good English language competence. Even Vietnamese-run establishments required and encouraged their staffs to study the language. In the mass media, English was often used. English newspapers and magazines, some of which were written by Vietnamese, were available. Besides, world news was broadcast daily in English by the Allied Armed Forces Radio. Interestingly, helping South Vietnam set up a television station in the mid-1960s, the United states reserved one of the two channels, Channel 11, for broadcasting news and movies in English. This not only served the needs of American soldiers and their allies, but often attracted a greater Vietnamese audience than that of Channel 9 which broadcast in Vietnamese. In addition, in the streets, English was spoken wherever American and foreign service personnel appeared. It is not at all surprising that the language use and spread were promoted alongside an overwhelming amount of merchandise, from high-tech equipment to consumer goods, most of which bore the “Handshake” trademark.

All of these English language related activities occurred largely in urban areas. In remote places, Christian missionaries quietly and devotedly taught the language while following their sacred goals. Moreover, added to the language’s development were the British Council and other agencies of English-speaking countries with assistance programs such as the Colombo Plan whereby dozens of Vietnamese students were annually sent to Australia and New Zealand for both undergraduate and graduate education. Relations with other non-communist countries in Southeast Asia and elsewhere also encouraged the use and spread of English. Other foreign languages were developed to a much lesser extent. In Cholon (the Chinatown of Saigon), some Chinese language schools were founded to serve the Chinese community, and Chinese, the language of this minority, specifically Cantonese, was spoken popularly in this district area. German attracted attention in the early 1970s when the Goethe Institute was established in Saigon, and overseas study in West Germany began to develop. Japanese was taught to an even smaller number of learners, mostly as a result of a scholarship scheme to study in Japanese universities.
Foreign Language Education Policy in Reunified Vietnam (1975-1995)

At a decisive time in a chaotic Southeast Asia especially with an escalating Vietnam War, then- President of the American Association of Applied Linguistics, Monika Kehoe (1968), predicted, “What the role of English may be in Southeast Asia will depend on the outcome of the conflict there” (p. 129). In the case of Vietnam, this has been true, but not totally. The “outcome” was synonymous with the end of the war in 1975, national reunification in Vietnam, and the consequent waning of the English language. The waning did not last long since, from the time that Vietnam adopted an open-door policy in 1987, English has reemerged as the main foreign language widely used, this time, in the whole society.

After 1975, as part of political, economic and educational alliances with the Soviet Union, Russian was required to be the main foreign language at all educational levels in the whole country. Denham (1992) notes that targets were set for foreign language education at high school: 60% studying Russian, 25% studying English and 15% studying French. In the North, Russian, which had developed a solid footing during the war, continued to predominate. The number of Russian majors in this period always outnumbered the combined enrollments in all other foreign languages. In the South, Russian departments, the whole faculty of which came from the north, were established in many universities in 1976, and began to enroll students in 1977. Enrollments continued to increase, and generally from seven to ten Russian language graduates were assigned to almost every high school and university. The spread of the language was also strengthened by Russian aid in education, through which hundreds of Vietnamese teachers and students were sent annually to the former Soviet Union for Russian studies, both at undergraduate and graduate levels. A somewhat comprehensive picture of the Russian language spread is seen in Pike’s (1987) report:

\”The Soviet presence in Vietnam was ubiquitous…. Book stalls in the cities are filled with Russian language works that are inexpensive because they are heavily subsidized….Soviet films are common fare at movie theaters throughout the country, and Soviet science and education films are used widely in the schools. Television has perhaps the greatest impact in introducing the Vietnamese to the USSR (pp. 214-217).\”

In addition, the Vietnamese-Soviet Friendship Society was founded, and its branches sprang up in every city and district town. These groups not only ran Russian language schools but also promoted cultural activities (Pike, 1987). Thus, in the field of foreign language teaching, Russian became the dominant language, overshadowing the demands for all others in Vietnam’s early reunification.

Besides Russian as the main foreign language, Chinese, French and English maintained the same pace of development in the North as before 1975. The situation was, however, different in the South, where French and particularly English were no doubt deep-rooted among many social strata. Amid the strongly heated anti-foreign, especially anti-American, echo, language policy slighted the study of these foreign languages, “not surprisingly, the ones associated with nations that had at one time subjugated Vietnam” (Gayle, 1989, p. 2). As such, the all-out eradication of all remnants of colonial and neo-colonial culture and education inevitably included a restriction of language use and development. Not only were English and French textbooks and other related printed materials burned (Nguyen Long, & Kendall 1981), but the fear of political discrimination made a great many people, especially those who got training in the United States and other capitalist nations, destroy even their foreign-granted certificates and degrees.

Since English had been widely used in the South before, its retention was inevitable but very limited. Beyond all political restrictions, English was felt to be quite useful, and in reality, was not obliged to be dropped. Even if Russian had been chosen to be taught at all educational levels, this would have been almost impossible because there were not sufficient Russian language teachers for such a total change from English to Russian, while teachers of English were still available. Since all schools were nationalized, and hundreds of private English-language centers were closed, English was only taught in a limited number of classes in high schools. Particularly in higher education, the enrollments in English decreased dramatically. For instance, at the University of Ho Chi Minh City, the annual quotas for English training declined from 60 students (1975) to a dozen (1985). In addition, as a result of the banning of all South Vietnamese textbooks, more than one million textbooks from North Vietnam were brought to the South (Gayle, 1989). More notable was the situation of the southern teachers of English. All of them underwent political training with Marxism-Leninism as the guidelines for raising class consciousness. As Nguyen Ngoc Hung (1992) notes:

\”In the South, meantime, postwar problems and the decline of the economy drove thousands of English teachers to leave the country as boat people. Many institutions lost virtually all their English teachers: the Economics College, Can Tho University, the University of Hue, and Dalat University. Realizing the importance of foreign languages, the North sent hundreds of teachers South (p. 21).\”

This shortage of teachers was not quite serious since demands for the teaching and use of English both at school and in society decreased dramatically. Conversely, in response to the promotion of the Russian language, a higher percentage of Russian language trainees was represented in many teacher training colleges which took care of training and assigning foreign language teachers to universities, colleges and high schools. Most Russian language teachers were sent to the Soviet Union for language practice or studying for higher degrees. Good students in junior and senior classes of Russian majors were selected and sent to Russian institutions for completing their studies.

During this period, a small number of English language teachers were chosen and sent to Britain, Australia and India for graduate training (Fox, 1992; Do Huy Thinh, 1994; Gayle, 1994; McCrum et al., 1986; Nguyen Ngoc Hung, 1992). The training programs in Britain and Australia were cut off when Vietnam became involved in the Cambodian war in 1979. Australia resumed its English training for Vietnamese in 1985 under the United Nations Development Program (UNDP), and since 1992 under bilateral aid agreements. Approximately 40 teachers and interpreters of English participated   in   training   for   higher   degrees   and   certificates   annually   (Denham3,    faxcorrespondence, February 22, 1994). Approximately 200 Vietnamese teachers of English, mostly in higher education, received such training between 1985-1993 (Denham, 1994) while a few people were trained in Britain and India. Notably, southern teachers have begun to join these overseas training programs since Vietnam started doi moi in 1986.

The decade of 1975-1986 witnessed Vietnam’s political isolation from the broader world and economic stagnation. Aid from the communist world became restricted due to difficulties within each member country. Thus, the seeking of appropriate guidelines for national development became urgent. At the Sixth National Congress of the Vietnamese Communist Party (1986), the leading party in Vietnam, Vietnam decided to expand its relations with every country despite different political systems and to adopt a market-oriented economy. This was seen as a farewell to the subjective, obsolete conservatism of the past. The famous term doi moi was coined in such a situation, reflecting reforms not only in the economy but also in other aspects of society.

As a result of these reforms, more English-speaking foreigners came to Vietnam along with products and with billboards written in English. It was not rare in many cities that English became popular and was used not only between Vietnamese and foreigners but also between Vietnamese and Vietnamese (Denham, 1992). All this prompted the reemergence of English as the main foreign language. Nevertheless, in these early days, while pushing English to a higher position in response to new social changes, the MOET insisted that Russian remain the major foreign language (MOET, 1986). In other words, students began to have the right to choose between Russian, English and other languages; however, Russian was highly recommended. Gayle (1994) notes that students, especially academically advanced ones, were strongly encouraged to study Russian. This fact was in some ways contradictory to the social needs. The use of Russian decreased due to a dramatic reduction of Soviet aid and cooperation while a great demand for English training was hastened by an increasing influx of foreign investments, most of which came from capitalist societies such as Taiwan, Singapore, Hong Kong, Australia, Malaysia and others from the European Union, and required English as the means of communication.

In the late 1980s, foreign language training began to develop almost freely. Students began to have the right to choose the foreign language(s) they wanted to study. Nevertheless, as a matter of history, in the North, Russian language learners then still outnumbered those of other foreign languages, even though an increasing number of students began to study English and French (MOET, 1994c). The situation, however, was opposite in the South. The English language movement developed quickly and widely in the South, not only in urban but also in rural areas where parents, being a little better off as a result of the new economic policy, sent their children to English language classes in the belief that a knowledge of the language could better their future lives. The movement was strongly supported by a variety of jobs offered through foreign investments. English, the use of which was more popular in the South, tended to be a reason for more foreign investment there than in the North. As a matter of fact, the English language movement underwent explosive growth during the early 1990s (Denham, 1992; Do Huy Thinh, 1994; Nguyen Ngoc Hung, 1992, Shapiro, 1995; Mydans, 1995; Penaflorida, Tatlonghari, & Kaewsanchai, 1992; UCLA-LRP-BAVE, 1995; Wilson, 1993a,b), leading to an official acknowledgment of the role and status of English.

In the early 1990s, since the demand for English outstripped supply, those who had no official training also became teachers. In education, English teaching received the highest pay. An ordinary teacher with a teaching load of 35 hours per week can earn VN$ 4-6 million or US$ 400- 600 per month. This was high as compared with the GNP per capita of US$ 350 per annum. As estimated during this period, 85 per cent of foreign-language learners in Vietnam choose English (MOET, 1993a; Nguyen Ngoc Quang 1993). As a result of disproportionate demand-supply, inadequate teaching qualifications, and the random development of training programs, the quality in teaching and learning declined. This situation prompted the MOET (1990a, 1991, 1992a) to issue consolidative measures. Moreover, the MOET for the first time conducted by mail a statistical survey of foreign language needs in late 1993 (MOET, 1993b). This initial work contributed to the building of “A National Strategy for Foreign Language Teaching and Learning throughout All Levels of Education” (MOET, 1994c). This research project aimed at a review of foreign language education in the past two or so decades and a proposal for future implementation in foreign language teaching and learning. In addition, university students were required to take foreign languages for their graduation exams. From the school year 1996-1997 onward, it was required that university students of all majors take a foreign language in entrance exams. Post-graduate education and the granting of professorship also required foreign language proficiency. Foreign languages, especially English, began to be used widely in education and in daily-life activities. As a matter of fact, the status of foreign languages, particularly English, was reconfirmed by an Order, signed by the Prime Minister (August 15, 1994), in which government officials would be required to study foreign languages, mainly and favorably English. It should be noted that, in contemporary Vietnam, there has never been a stronger, clearer decision concerning foreign language policy and planning made by the highest-level authority.
English in nowadays Vietnam (1996 – 2006)

In the past ten years, English has developed with an unprecedented speed in Vietnam. Though not yet fully documented, around 90% of foreign language learners have been studying English. Various language centers, both public and private, have been established with different courses, programs and types of training to serve the different learning needs of different types of learners. Besides English, other foreign languages such as Chinese, Japanese, French, Korean, and German, are also offered but in smaller classes with a humble number of learners. Most learners choose to study these languages for job seeking, job promotion and overseas studies.

Ho Chi Minh City has the biggest number of both teachers and learners all over the country. As estimated by local educational administrators and researchers, there have been nearly 300 language centers with a teaching staff of ten thousand and over 900,000 learners attending different language classes. At the same time, there have been in existence language centers of universities, high schools, professional associations, government agencies, socio-economic organizations and private enterprises. In addition, a large number of foreign and joint venture language schools have been set up. These schools have attracted a good number of learners, mostly from better off families, thanks to their good investment and learning environment. In English teaching and learning, all the combined efforts have no doubt contributed a great deal to the development of the English language movement. However, as a result of a lack of   regular inspection and assessment, it has also revealed various problems not only in management but in quality assurance as well.

The ten following issues can be summed up about the current English teaching and learning situation in Vietnam:

  1.     There is an evaluation on the curriculum in general and on different subjects in particular. For English teaching, evaluation will be made to ensure a thorough look and discussion throughout the entire formal system from primary (optional) to secondary (compulsory) and tertiary (compulsory) education.
  2.     In order to improve the teaching and learning quality, several institutions have begun to look out and learn from other countries what they have been doing concerning the contents, teaching methods and school/program evaluation and teacher/learner assessment. They have set up twinning programs, joint venture partnerships and different academic activities.
  3.     There has been a strong tendency, not only from institutions but also from professionals, to apply new technologies, methodologies and techniques in language teaching. This have been encouraged and finally supported by the government.
  4.     A close cooperation among institutions has been developed to widen the opportunities for teachers to attend various types of academic training. Strong emphasis has been placed on teacher training and retraining, and selection and placement.
  5.     Opportunities have been given to ensure learner’s individual learning and practice and lifelong learning. To do this, institutions need to help learners identify their learning objectives and needs and employ various tasks to stimulate learner motivation.
  6.     Effort has been made toward the founding of a national association for English teaching (very likely like VietTESOL) in the future.
  7.     Research in TESOL has gained its momentum during the past few years. Though a lot of tasks need to be done, action research, classroom research, and especially the sharing of expertise and findings in the field will bridge the gap between Vietnam and the wider world.
  8.     Sufficient attention has not been paid to quality assurance in English teaching and learning. Many tasks must be done in the future to put in place quality assurance and accreditation criteria and practices.
  9.     It has been controversial in the Vietnamese context whether or not the two foreign languages should be taught in secondary school and children should start studying English earlier in primary school. A national project on foreign language study has been completed and presently shown out for public discussion.
  10.     There has been an increasing trend to recognize English as a very important tool in national development, cooperation and globalization.

Part of this paper was extracted from unpublished doctoral dissertation at the University of Southern California by Do Huy Thinh.


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